mv analysis
of 'I am the best'
Literature
analysis
HAla
HAwatmeh
Against a backdrop of K-pop girls being defined by the male gaze, I argue that 2NE1’s “I Am the Best” music appropriates visual symbols traditionally associated with masculinity in order to juxtapose and subvert the usually demeaning visual and auditory elements associated with K-pop girl groups in the late 2000s. 2NE1 achieves this effect in their music video through the use of androgynous costuming, harmonic female vocal presence and bold props.
First, I argue that 2NE1’s use of androgynous costume desexualizes the group members in contrast to conventionally fetishized female costuming in K-pop. The idea that “slender legs has become obligatory for K-pop girl group” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 4) is obvious and can be repeatedly observed in music videos from late-2000’s popular girl’s groups such as Girl’s Generation (Epstein and Turnbull 2014: 316). More quantifiably, writer Turnbull states that “Korean women were 57 times more likely than men to not be fully dressed” in commercials (2017: 133). With 2NE1, shorts are featured as costume (0:27-0:34), but they are not fragmented into a symbol of sexuality. Instead, 2NE1 approaches fashion with influences from punk (2:30) and hip-hop (1:40-1:55), which are stereotypically male-dominated. In short, 2NE1 successfully reinterprets male genres instead of conforming to female tropes. With 20,921,091 views and counting (as of 2018), 2NE1 proves that women in K-pop do not need to show skin to gain attention.
Next, I argue that female vocal prominence is used to challenge the traditional male-centered Korean historical narrative. At the climax of the video, a line of Samgo Mu players surrounds 2NE1 in an elaborately built set (2:40). Originating early shamanistic rituals, consisting of all men, Samgo Mu is a modern take on ritual drum dance performed with a band of women, therefore being a subversion as a genre itself (Clark 2000, 49). The rich contextual significance of this instrumental choice is enhanced when the Samgo Mu band exclaims “Hey” as a backup vocal (2:44). This seemingly mundane element is quite significant when comparing the Girl’s Generation single “Tell Me Your Wish”, which scholars Epstein and Turnbull describe as beginning with a “sleek… masculine voice saying ‘Hey,’… establishing the video as an erotic daydream” for men (2014: 321). Conversely, 2NE1’s use of an all-female vocal ensemble subverts ideas that it aiming to fulfill “ajeossi [middle-aged men’s]” fantasies (Lin and Rudolf 2017 :15).
Lastly, the props and set in the music video, traditionally associated with masculinity, are represented by 2NE1 in a desexualized manner; challenging the convention of sexualizing masculine interests in K-pop. Given that “hard male masculature symbolizes Korean might” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 9), multiple references to masculinity can be found in “I Am The Best”: professional wresting (0:06), sports cars (0:55) and guns (3:10). Focusing on the use of weaponry in particular, scholars Lin and Rudolf assert that K-pop girls are meant to be “objectified into petty, sexy-yet-submissive, nonthreatening dolls” (2017: 15), which Girl’s Generation once again represent in their single ‘Genie’, exhibiting “military-styled outfits with hot pants” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 4), affirming that military in Korea is a man’s domain, in which women can only participate in through showgirl-performances. Whereas, when 2NE1 represent military themes with the use of the guns, they do so in a hyperbolized aggressive manner, completely uprooting the convention of being a non-threatening entity, affirming their uniqueness as a girl group while contemporaries conform to standards of male expectations.
In conclusion, my analysis of “I Am The Best” has revealed to me that 2NE1 had been effective in their aim to subvert masculinity in order to display rebellion against patronizing conventions of K-pop girl groups to their to their wide viewership. Further research into this topic may reveal the effect that 2NE1 has had on more modern K-pop girls groups in the later 2010s, leading to a larger question of long-term impact of 2NE1’s early efforts to subvert the masculine construction of femininity in K-pop.
Bibliography:
2NE1. “2NE1 - 내가 제일 잘 나가(I AM THE BEST) M/V” YouTube. June 27, 2011. Accessed June 15, 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j7_lSP8Vc3o.
Clark, Donald N. Culture and Customs of Korea. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000.
James Turnbull, “Just beautiful people holding a bottle: the driving forces behind South Korea’s love of celebrity endorsement,” Celebrity Studies 8, no. 1 (2017): 128-135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392397.2016.1272860.
Lie, John. K-Pop: Popular Music, Cultural Amnesia, and Economic Innovation in South Korea. Oakland: University of California Press, 2015.
Lin, Xi and Robert Rudolf. “Does K-pop Reinforce Gender Inequalities? Empirical Evidence from a New Data Set,” Asian Women 33, no. 4 (December 2017): 27-54.
Epstein, Stephen and James Turnbull. “Girl’s Generation? Gender, (Dis)Empowerment, and K-pop” in The Korean Popular Culture Reader, edited by Kyung Hyun Kim and Youngmin Choe. 314-336. London: Duke University Press, 2014.
Stephen Epstein and Racheal M. Joo, “Multiple Exposures: Korean Bodies and the Transnational Imagination,” The Asia-Pacific Journal 10, no. 1 (August 13, 2012): 1-24, https://apjjf.org/2012/10/33/Stephen-Epstein/3807/article.html.
Against a backdrop of K-pop girls being defined by the male gaze, I argue that 2NE1’s “I Am the Best” music appropriates visual symbols traditionally associated with masculinity in order to juxtapose and subvert the usually demeaning visual and auditory elements associated with K-pop girl groups in the late 2000s. 2NE1 achieves this effect in their music video through the use of androgynous costuming, harmonic female vocal presence and bold props.
First, I argue that 2NE1’s use of androgynous costume desexualizes the group members in contrast to conventionally fetishized female costuming in K-pop. The idea that “slender legs has become obligatory for K-pop girl group” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 4) is obvious and can be repeatedly observed in music videos from late-2000’s popular girl’s groups such as Girl’s Generation (Epstein and Turnbull 2014: 316). More quantifiably, writer Turnbull states that “Korean women were 57 times more likely than men to not be fully dressed” in commercials (2017: 133). With 2NE1, shorts are featured as costume (0:27-0:34), but they are not fragmented into a symbol of sexuality. Instead, 2NE1 approaches fashion with influences from punk (2:30) and hip-hop (1:40-1:55), which are stereotypically male-dominated. In short, 2NE1 successfully reinterprets male genres instead of conforming to female tropes. With 20,921,091 views and counting (as of 2018), 2NE1 proves that women in K-pop do not need to show skin to gain attention.
Next, I argue that female vocal prominence is used to challenge the traditional male-centered Korean historical narrative. At the climax of the video, a line of Samgo Mu players surrounds 2NE1 in an elaborately built set (2:40). Originating early shamanistic rituals, consisting of all men, Samgo Mu is a modern take on ritual drum dance performed with a band of women, therefore being a subversion as a genre itself (Clark 2000, 49). The rich contextual significance of this instrumental choice is enhanced when the Samgo Mu band exclaims “Hey” as a backup vocal (2:44). This seemingly mundane element is quite significant when comparing the Girl’s Generation single “Tell Me Your Wish”, which scholars Epstein and Turnbull describe as beginning with a “sleek… masculine voice saying ‘Hey,’… establishing the video as an erotic daydream” for men (2014: 321). Conversely, 2NE1’s use of an all-female vocal ensemble subverts ideas that it aiming to fulfill “ajeossi [middle-aged men’s]” fantasies (Lin and Rudolf 2017 :15).
Lastly, the props and set in the music video, traditionally associated with masculinity, are represented by 2NE1 in a desexualized manner; challenging the convention of sexualizing masculine interests in K-pop. Given that “hard male masculature symbolizes Korean might” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 9), multiple references to masculinity can be found in “I Am The Best”: professional wresting (0:06), sports cars (0:55) and guns (3:10). Focusing on the use of weaponry in particular, scholars Lin and Rudolf assert that K-pop girls are meant to be “objectified into petty, sexy-yet-submissive, nonthreatening dolls” (2017: 15), which Girl’s Generation once again represent in their single ‘Genie’, exhibiting “military-styled outfits with hot pants” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 4), affirming that military in Korea is a man’s domain, in which women can only participate in through showgirl-performances. Whereas, when 2NE1 represent military themes with the use of the guns, they do so in a hyperbolized aggressive manner, completely uprooting the convention of being a non-threatening entity, affirming their uniqueness as a girl group while contemporaries conform to standards of male expectations.
In conclusion, my analysis of “I Am The Best” has revealed to me that 2NE1 had been effective in their aim to subvert masculinity in order to display rebellion against patronizing conventions of K-pop girl groups to their to their wide viewership. Further research into this topic may reveal the effect that 2NE1 has had on more modern K-pop girls groups in the later 2010s, leading to a larger question of long-term impact of 2NE1’s early efforts to subvert the masculine construction of femininity in K-pop.
Bibliography:
2NE1. “2NE1 - 내가 제일 잘 나가(I AM THE BEST) M/V” YouTube. June 27, 2011. Accessed June 15, 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j7_lSP8Vc3o.
Clark, Donald N. Culture and Customs of Korea. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000.
James Turnbull, “Just beautiful people holding a bottle: the driving forces behind South Korea’s love of celebrity endorsement,” Celebrity Studies 8, no. 1 (2017): 128-135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392397.2016.1272860.
Lie, John. K-Pop: Popular Music, Cultural Amnesia, and Economic Innovation in South Korea. Oakland: University of California Press, 2015.
Lin, Xi and Robert Rudolf. “Does K-pop Reinforce Gender Inequalities? Empirical Evidence from a New Data Set,” Asian Women 33, no. 4 (December 2017): 27-54.
Epstein, Stephen and James Turnbull. “Girl’s Generation? Gender, (Dis)Empowerment, and K-pop” in The Korean Popular Culture Reader, edited by Kyung Hyun Kim and Youngmin Choe. 314-336. London: Duke University Press, 2014.
Stephen Epstein and Racheal M. Joo, “Multiple Exposures: Korean Bodies and the Transnational Imagination,” The Asia-Pacific Journal 10, no. 1 (August 13, 2012): 1-24, https://apjjf.org/2012/10/33/Stephen-Epstein/3807/article.html.
Despite 2NE1 darker visual aesthetic, and image the group still represents the core strategies of mainstream commercialization, known as CF in Korea. In his article on advertisement culture in K-pop, James Turnbull explores the multiple facets of advertising culture in South Korea and its larger Japanese context, of which 2NE1 conforms to many of the advertising strategies he highlights.
2NE1’s debut was a collaboration with the very popular group Big Bang on their joint single “Lollipop,” a CF for LG’s Lollipop phone. Turnbull argues that a common convention in Korean advertisements is to “hire celebrities with the widest possible fanbase” to gain prestige and revenue (Turnbull 2017: 129). Based on this observation, Big Bang’s prestige was meant to compensate for 2NE1’s obscurity, pioneered by an advertising company that would not risk placing them into the spotlight.
2NE1 had made a considerable effort to successfully establish their music in Japanese market through TV show appearances and advertisements. Turnbull cites that “even in Japan, still nothing can compare with the revenues generated from endorsements” (Ibid., 133). Showing that 2NE1’s strategy to take hold of the Japanese market was through advertisements and personalities, not just music.
Scandals surrounding member Minzy, resulting in her not being included in their ‘Goodbye’ video, aligns with Turnbull’s point that “celebrities in Korea are held to much higher moral standards than the public” (Ibid., 132). Minzy’s departure revealed micromanagement of 2NE1. Although remaining 2NE1 members and fans were visibly upset by this choice (So-Yeon 2017), if a member does not abide by advertiser’s moral code, they risk the future worth of the whole band to advertisers.
In conclusion, although they may not always fit the archetype of the clean CF image, they did abide by the rules of CF to establish and propel their success, affirming that advertisement is embedded in Korean music culture.
Bibliography:
So-Yeon, Kim. "CL "completely Broken" by 2NE1's Disbandment." AsiaOne. August 30, 2017. Accessed June 25, 2018. http://www.asiaone.com/entertainment/cl-completely-broken-2ne1s-disbandment.
Turnbull, James. “Just beautiful people holding a bottle: the driving forces behind South Korea’s love of celebrity endorsement,” Celebrity Studies 8, no. 1 (2017): 128-135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392397.2016.1272860.